About Orff
Carl Orff in His Time

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Carl Orff in his
Time
Speech on the occasion of Carl Orff's 100th birthday
Munich, Prinzregententheater, 7 July 1995
By Hans Maier
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Carl Orff's hundredth birthday had hardly begun to
approach than there erupted fierce arguments about the
composer. They were concerned less with his work than with
his life, and particularly with his behaviour during the
Third Reich and in the years immediately after the war. New
investigations into Orff's life and work, to which the Orff
Centre in Munich rendered an outstanding service, went round
the world in crassly-expressed news flashes that raised some
(false) points. This triggered off confusion and
consternation: Was Orff a Nazi? Was Orff a liar - someone
who, like a Bavarian Astutulus, had cunningly led the
occupying authorities by the nose?
This was grist to their
mill for those who had always known, like Gerald Abraham,
who had always maintained that there were suspicious
elements in the German's work, that "rhythmically hypnotic,
totally diatonic neo-primitivism" that allows itself to be
so easily connected with the stamping columns of the Third
Reich. And promptly on the 28th January of this year, London
Weekend Television, in a polemic disguised as
"Documentation" presented SS-troops marching to Orff's music
and showed pictures of dead bodies in concentration
camps.
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O Fortuna velut luna! Carl Orff has often been portrayed
and also misrepresented in his long life, though hardly ever
with such malicious over-simplification as in this year of
celebration and jubilation. There has never been any lack of
distorted pictures, of mischievous personal descriptions of
such multiform and protean characters. Already in the time
of the Weimar Republic, Orff was suspiciously regarded by
the conservatives as an anti-traditionalist and a
taboo-breaker, largely because of the nature of his
performances, but also as a music pedagogue: Alexander
Berrsche spoke of Hottentot rhythm with regard to the
Schulwerk. Opinions such as these lasted well into the time
of the Nazis when his works were successful in spite of all
opposition, but also had to survive some highly officious
forms of excommunication; in this connection Goebbels' music
adviser, Heinz Drewes, described Carmina Burana without
hesitation as Bavarian Niggermusic. After the war Orff
really fell between two stools; for those who belonged to
the aesthetic of music attached to the Viennese School he
was considered for several decades - as was his contemporary
Paul Hindemith - to be a non-person. In the seventies the
taboos relaxed somewhat. Orff's name surfaced again in
musicological seminars and in the company of critics. The
theoretical boycott had hardly harmed his works. They had
remained young through being performed. In today's
descriptions of music history there are frequent
conciliatory attempts to attach the label "populism" to Orff
- in reference books he appears as the director of a musical
folkpark, in which people like Prokofiev and Gershwin go in
and out, where children eagerly practise on xylophones,
where open-air performances for huge audiences take place
and where the fence between serious and light music is lower
than it is elsewhere. It remains open to conjecture if that
is his definitive place.
A hundred years of Orff, a hundred years of judgements and
prejudices. My short lecture cannot give voice to all the stupid and
wise, accurate and inaccurate, intelligently witty and plainly
nonsensical statements that have been made about Orff. But thirty
minutes will serve at least to place Orff in his time and to make his
life and work understandable in reference to his environment. Let us
try then; it is partly political, partly the music history of our
time, and even partly an appreciative history of his work, the time
that divides us from him being so short.
* * * *
When Carl Orff died in 1982 at the age of 86, he had wandered
through four epochs in the course of his life: the Empire, the Weimar
Republic, National Socialism and finally the time after 1945 - since
1949 leading to the second, the Bonn Republic. I say "wandered
through" deliberately, for one can hardly say of Orff that he had a
particular, conscious or significant relationship to time or
political situation. In general, for many reasons, musicians are less
fixated on politics than writers; though of course there is the
exception of the political musician: one has only to think of Liszt,
Paderewski or of Henze, Nono and Theodorakis in our time. Orff did
not belong to this type; he was totally a musician and nothing else,
concerned with musical, not political effect, obstinately and
obsessively committed to the service of Music. Not once did the
problems of musicians, such as copyright or organisational questions
concerning the position of the music profession so decisively
interest him, that he was prepared to work for them within a
professional organisation - as did both Richard Strauss and Werner
Egk. So we hardly find any trace of specific statements about the
times, the political and social conditions in which he grew up and
developed. Certainly, the times through which he wandered left their
stamp on him; for him to have lived in another century is
unthinkable; he was a twentieth century man, coming from, alienated
and escaping from the nineteenth century. But the effects of time and
politics on his biography are nevertheless more indirect, conveyed
almost coincidentally; and I can only warn those curious researchers
who are interested in themes such as "Orff and the First World War",
"Orff and the Weimar Republic", "Orff and the Adenauer Era", that
they will hardly find what they are seeking in the sparse sources. I
am heretical enough to add: even the theme "Orff and National
Socialism" reveals in the end little in the way of information or
even anything sensational. Orff went through time, through many times
with the gestures of a sleepwalker; he gladly gave the time the
chance to do something for him; though he would leave it to run its
course with indifference or defiant fatalism.
The time before the First World War, the time of the Empire and
particularly of the Prince Regent, was indeed a time through which
the descendent of a well-educated Munich officer's family, born in
1895 would have lived. It was rather like the Bavarian Belle
Époque. Those familiar with the reminiscences of Hermann
Heimpel and Karl Alexander or the historical writings of Karl
Möckl will have gained the impression that only those who lived
through this time would have known the real douceur de vivre. The
young Orff grew up in his parents' house free from any material
worries. He was not drawn to military honours but rather to books,
musical scores and old languages. He was already having piano lessons
at the age of five. He made up the music to accompany his puppet
theatre. The first song cycles were written. From the autumn of 1912
he studied composition with Anton Beer-Walbrunn, a friend of Max
Reger's who embodied the modem trend at the Academy of Music in
Munich. Orff strove for a theatrical career; he achieved this by
working with Hermann Zilcher as a repetiteur with the necessary
pianistic gifts. From 1915-1917 he was a conductor at the theatre
called the Munich Kammerspiele. Karl Marx, later to become a friend,
noticed the fair-haired young man with the characteristic profile,
who passed the time during the troop medical inspection in May 1917
by studying the pocket score of Reger's string quartet in F# minor.
After a short period of compulsory duty with the First Royal Regiment
of Bavarian Field Artillery in Poland, where he was buried alive and
became consequently ill, Orff worked as a conductor at the National
Theatre in Mannheim, and then at the Court Theatre in Darmstadt; he
returned to Munich in 1919 and dedicated himself to composing songs.
Taking lessons (amongst others from Pfitzner and Kaminski) and giving
lessons (amongst others to Werner Egk), progressing slowly,
discovering much, searching doggedly, interested in old scores, he
became fundmentally an eclectic and self-taught working artist.
In the stormy, culturally so productive years of the Weimar
Republic, the "Roaring Twenties", one would at first glance have
taken Orff to be a stranger. Was he not primarily interested in music
education, a man who, with Dorothee Günther, was working at the
revitalisation of Dance and Movement, who was composing songs with
piano accompaniment, and who was preparing his Schulwerk? One thereby
overlooks two points, of course: first that the school music of the
Weimar Republic, as it had been newly conceived in 1920, had a
thoroughly political character, that it was in fact a showcase for a
political education of the people - one has only to mention the name
of Leo Kestenberg. Within this scheme there was room for much of what
was currently being sung, played and newly discovered, from the songs
of the Youth Movement to the eagerly collected "Verklingende Weisen"
of folk songs and hymns - not to forget the work and protest songs of
the time. In the Memorandum concerning the total involvement of Music
in school and society (1923), conceived by Kestenberg and issued by
the Prussian Ministry of Culture, one reads: Music must once more
become a part of the life of all our people, its practice must lead
to personal activity, to singing and playing oneself. The boat
builder on his boat who plays the accordion, the worker who goes from
his workplace to the rehearsal room of his male choir - they are
perhaps as inwardly rich as the subscribers to big symphony concerts
who go on a fixed day and time to hear a familiar symphony conducted
by their favourite conductor (Quoted by Heide Hammel, Die Schulmusik
in der Weimarer Republik, Stuttgart 1990, p.140). On the other hand
the music of the time, particularly the avant garde, addressed itself
with educational pathos to the general public, to nation and state.
Educational works were produced not only in the field of contemporary
literature - Brecht, Bronnen, Kaiser - but also in the field of
contemporary music. And Orff also had his place in this spectrum,
formed from expressionistic world-friendliness, humanist-social
involvement and a revolutionary agitprop mood, that ranged from Fritz
Jöde to Paul Hindemith and Hanns Eisler; it is no surprise that
he set poems by Franz Werfel, wrote choral pieces to texts by Bert
Brecht, and worked together with Kestenberg and Hermann
Scherchen.
Had the Weimar Republic been granted a longer life, Orff might
have become a musical educator of the people within the limits of
democratic conditions. None of his undertakings were foreign to the
political-educational aspirations of the First Republic. He was no
conductor of worker choirs; his combinations and predilections, his
educational models were different; above all, they were musically,
not politically motivated. But with his inclination to combine old
and contemporary, to bring new life to old instruments and
performance techniques and at the same time delivering some
well-aimed blows at the middle class music culture as an example:
degrading the pianoforte to the status of percussion instrument!
Considering all this he certainly did not stand alone during these
years.
* * * *
Orff was a late-developer. It was his problem, perhaps his
misfortune, that he did not find his own unchangeable style in the
Weimar years, but only later. The musician Orff, as we know him, was
bom in the thirties. In June 1937 on the occasion of the dress
rehearsal of Carmina Burana, when in relation to his publisher he
dissociated himself from his previous compositional style and
disowned the early offspring of his muse, the National Socialists had
already been in power in Germany for four years. The conclusive
breakthrough of the composer Carl Orff, his rise to European, and
later worldwide fame and significance fell (sadly) in the Nazi
time.
Did this rise have anything materially to do with the Nazi time?
Did an elective affinity exist? Did the new "national community"
offer a sounding board for the work of the composer in his middle
forties? Fierce battles have raged about this in Germany and
elsewhere in most recent times - and not only then! There is no doubt
that some elements can be clarified - and even the most recent
controversy about Michael Kater's study Carl Orff in the Third Reich
has contributed much to this clarification if one disregards some of
the terrible simplifications appearing in the media. Orff was no
Nazi. Inwardly he had nothing to do with National Socialism; he had
absolutely no political aspirations, neither before 1933 nor after
(and also not after 1945). He was a composer and he wanted to have
his works performed. He believed in his gift, if you will: in his
mission. Composers have a hard time in totalitarian regimes - the
biographies of Schönberg, Hindemith and Shostakovich in our
century, to name but these three, show this very clearly. For
composers in this situation there is fundamentally only one
alternative: to emigrate or to remain. To go underground, to appear
in clandestine publications, to paint pictures in secret, this is all
possible within limits for writers and painters who oppose the status
quo, but remains denied to the composer. For the Gods have ordained
that there shall be a performance before musical fame can be
achieved. Music, particularly dramatic music, is not simply there; it
consists of notes in a score. It is an arduous process, it demands
preparation, contracts, rehearsals, singers, an orchestra, the
contribution of many people, inclusion in theatre repertoires,
advertising in the media - already a colossal collective endeavour in
normal times, how much more so under the requirements of a malicious,
unpredictable, capricious system, often led from different sources of
power that did not agree and were in fact rivals! I know only a few
leading composers of the twentieth century who deliberately withdrew
from the music business and regarded their scores as private works
available for future generations, quite unconcerned about their being
realised. The most significant of these was Anton Webem, tragically
killed in 1945 by the bullet of an American soldier in the Occupation
Forces. But this was not the normal way; it requires an extreme,
idealistic understanding of musical workmanship. Most composers do
not want to withdraw. Even in the "Reich des Menschenfressers"
(regime of the cannibal) - according to Thomas Mann - they wanted to
have their works heard and made available to others. To achieve this
of course one had to make compromises. As Carl Orff also had to in
the Third Reich.
Did he go too far in this respect? Orff's contribution as a
composer to the Olympic Games in 1936 does not constitute a corpus
delicti. On that occasion the representatives of all nations,
including those who later fought against Germany, were sitting at
Hitler's feet in the Olympic Stadium in Berlin. (Kurt Schumacher, at
that time in a concentration camp, did not refrain from pointing this
out with biting sarcasm in the speeches he made after the war.)
Shortly before the eleventh hour in 1944, Orff was able to avoid
having to compose "battle music" for the weekly cinema news reel. The
fact that he was prepared to make a new musical setting for
Shakespeare's Midsummer Night's Dream, a suggestion that even Hans
Pfitzner firmly rejected, is more questionable. To manage to become a
musical replacement for the "Jew Mendelssohn" at the particular
behest of a top functionary of the Nazi Party - that appears to us
today as a bad example of kowtowing to the powerful of that time.
Certainly, Orff's Shakespeare plans were long-standing, they went
back to when he was conductor at the Munich Kammerspiele in
Falckenberg's time. Orff's reasons were aesthetic, not political. He
had never found Mendelssohn's stage music appropriate - it was too
gentle, too sweet. He thought he could match Shakespeare's drama more
nearly with his own. The argument that it was immaterial to Orff that
Mendelssohn was a Jew (and this is verifiable in the available source
material!) can hardly be accepted unexamined; it overestimates the
scope of musical autonomy in a state committed to a particular
Weltanschauung. The National Socialists merely added Orff's aesthetic
arguments to their other political triumphs. They would have taken no
notice of his insistence on the absolute power of music. For the
Nazis there was nothing musical that was not also political.
This is how the Nazis were - and Orff had assessed the time
correctly when in the fairy tale play Die Kluge (1943) the imprisoned
father sings: Those who have power are in the right, and those who
are in the right will turn it to their own uses, for force rules over
everything. In this sentence one could clearly have recognised, as in
the mischievous exchange of the three vagabonds (Faith is struck
dead. Justice lives in great penury...), an allusion to the
conditions current at the time. I only fear that Orff saw politics in
this light at all times in his life. It might not always have
appeared so tyrannical and criminal as in the Third Reich, but for a
man who wanted to create, to produce, it could be dangerously
distracting and disturbing. If the powers in control gave music full
scope and freedom, all was well - that is why Orff had absolutely no
problems or difficulties with either of the two democratic republics,
those of Weimar and Bonn. His musical realm should remain without
disturbances or disputes, this was the most important maxim. His
ideal was represented by an inwardness protected from those in power
(not by those in power!). And for Orff, tyranny was mainly evil and
wicked because it destroyed the autonomy of the Arts, because
everything was sucked into the undertow of politics.
Only these conclusions make it understandable that the friends
Kurt Huber and Carl Orff, according to trustworthy witnesses, talked
exclusively about music, and not about politics, on the many
occasions when they met. And one also understands Orff's first
reaction to Huber's arrest, as transmitted by Clara Huber: Now I
shall no longer be able to compose. Politics had overpowered Music.
That Carl Orff later tried nevertheless to make political capital out
of his musical association with his friend, or, more accurately,
tried to avert the possible harm of a ban on performances of his
works imposed by the American Occupation Forces - that was rather a
kind of satyric drama after the end of the tragedy. For if Orff was
certainly no Nazi, and if he heartily despised the Nazis -he was also
certainly no resistance fighter. Nevertheless how can one, how may
one - especially when born at a later time -so ingenuously expect
this from an artist living in the Third Reich?
When Orff had survived the war and the Third Reich, when his
"Bavarian Play' Die Bernauerin, could be performed in Stuttgart in
1947, when his post-war and mature productions began: Antigone
(1949), Trionfo di Afrodite (1953), Oedipus the King (1959),
Prometheus (1968), the Easter and Christmas plays and finally De
temporum fine comoedia (1973), he seemed finally to have
circumnavigated the dangerous cliffs of the first half of his life.
Orff was an established master. The young Republic - also
establishing and consolidating itself - was adorned by his fame. In
1950-1960 he directed a master-class for composition at the
Staatliche Hochschule für Musik (State College of Music) in
Munich. In 1961 a training centre and seminar for the development of
the Orff-Schulwerk - later the Orff-Institut - was opened at the
Mozarteum in Salzburg. His ideas about music education, like his
dramatic works, spread all over the world. They found acceptance in
kindergartens and schools, in teacher training and adult education,
in remedial education and in music therapy. Orff was compensated for
the withdrawal of a large number of musicologists and critics through
many friendships with philosophers, historians and philologists. His
home in Diessen, where he both worked and lived, became a place of
pilgrimage. It was here that the composer worked in the early morning
hours amongst his books and collections, here he heard the "Amixl"
(dialect for the blackbird in Die Bernauerin) singing and here he
looked at the "Mond-Eiche" (the oak tree from which the moon hung in
DerMond) in the park. The comfortable country house with its old
family pictures, his wife Liselotte's Iceland ponies, the Chinese and
Javanese gongs, the cymbals, bells and drums seemed - with
characteristically different emphases - to be comparable to Richard
Strauss' Villa in Garmisch. Since Richard Wagner and Richard Strauss
there has been no composer living in Bavaria who has achieved such
undisputed world-wide recognition as Carl Orff.
We could thus say goodbye to this idyll as a happy ending to
Orff's long and sometimes stormy journey through life - were there
not in the end one question, as with any life's work, what remains?
What remains of Orff's personality, of Orff's music? To try to answer
this question we must look back again at the life of this Bavarian
master - this time not confronting the political world, but looking
at the musical and music historical connections with his life.
* * * *
When Carl Orff began to experiment and to compose before the First
World War, the language of late romanticism was prevalent in song, in
chamber music and in music for the stage - in all the genres in which
the young musician tried his hand. Refinement was trumps. The tonal
system was extended and stretched without being broken. The ear was
gripped and tickled by a subtle and appealing harmony. Extramusical
objects left their mark: Oriental pictures, hanging gardens, the
sensuous magic of exotic landscapes, flowers and animals. A select,
precious, aristocratic world stood opposite the real ugliness of the
cities, factories and machines. The musical echo of these contrasting
creations ranged from Debussy to Strauss, from Pfitzner to the young
Schönberg.
This late romantic world collapsed in the First World War.
Strictly speaking its demise started earlier; the catastrophe only
made the occurrence clearly visible and audible. In poetry, music and
art there was a whirl of new experiments, new starting points and
beginnings. Above all the musical cards were reshuffled. Much was
clarified and simplified. In the course of time Orff's compositions
also became simpler, more elemental; the linear became more
prominent, rhythm, at first barely significant adapted itself to the
word; dissonances, but not the kind appearing to require resolution,
"Personanzklänge" as they were later called, started the
replacement of functional harmony.
Hans Joachim Moser, Werner Thomas, Wilhelm Keller and Horst
Leuchtmann have analysed the elements of this new tonal language: the
monotony, the repetition, a consciously barren tonal landscape, a
musical principle of economy, ostinato techniques, the restriction of
melody and others besides. The music brings about the most concise
expression, the narrowest enveloping of the words. It releases and
gathers its rhythmic and musical energies. Once the musical formula
is found, as Orff says, it remains the same for each repetition. The
conciseness of the verbal expression makes the repetition and its
effect possible. Listening to Orff's music with today's ears, with
the ears of the nineties, some of it sounds like an early foretaste
of something like Techno; and parallels to Rock, to Klang-art cannot
be ignored. The uncovering of musical energies in pulsing, almost
toneless rhythm, in stamping, thundering and drumming seems in no way
to have exhausted all its possibilities. Carl Orff may be considered
as one of the forerunners of those placing such a concentration on
the value of rhythmic movement in music. Melodies become sequences of
notes. The flow of speech is stemmed, breaks up in pieces till only
sounds, crackles and hisses remain. Of course a possible surplus of
monotony in Orff's music dramas is carefully balanced through new
forms of recitativo secco and arioso, through melody that is freely
modal and through orchestral primary colours produced by an orchestra
that, in contrast to that of the classic-romantic period, consists of
xylophones, percussion, double basses, woodwind and brass.
This is no longer traditional music. In the music dramas of his
mature years, as spacious as they are concentrated, Orff distances
himself ever more decisively than before from the dominant music
schools of thought of the twentieth century. His way is different
from the musical constructivism of the Viennese School - but he also
leaves the great stimulus and source of his youth, Igor Stravinsky,
somewhat far behind him. In a certain sense, in turning away from
opera and turning towards drama, he is continuing the work of Richard
Wagner - except that he supports the words much more radically than
the master of Bayreuth, and in contrast to him avoids using the
symphonic commentary of an orchestra opposite the singing and
reciting human voice. In the end, practically all that remains is the
language, Greek or Latin, old Bavarian or old French, and it is both
inexhaustible and at the same time the hidden source and storehouse
of all tonal and rhythmic energy. "There would be no sound, where the
word is lacking" - One could thus adapt Stefan George's verse in
relation to Orff.
Orff's music, his mousike - I use the Greek expression purposely -
offers less to the ear than traditional opera. But on the other hand
it includes all the senses; for it is not only tone but also dance,
not only sound but also play, not only song but also scene, theatre -
it is music in the sense of an art that unifies and embraces all the
other arts, as the Greeks first conceived it.
The idea of such a music, one that is constantly renewing itself
through its language forms, is perhaps the boldest idea that the
musician Carl Orff has left to posterity. It reaches far beyond his
own work and its future historical evaluation. Therein lies its
significance for the future. In a world that grows ever closer its
separate individualities are maintained through their languages. Out
of all languages, every single one - this is Orff's idea - music can
be made. Such a music would no longer be an artificial creation of
its own, removed from the visual and language arts, it would remain
closely connected with the cultural archetypes of mankind, their
languages and speakers. And it would thus to some extent be both
universal and indi-vidual, both archaic and modern: a foretaste of
the new music of one world.
Translated by Margaret Murray
Hans Maier, University Professor, born 18 June 1931 in Freiburg im
Breisgau. Studied in Freiburg, Munich and Paris. From 1962 Professor
for Political Science at the University of Munich; 1970-1986 Bavarian
State Minister for Education and Culture; since 1988 full Professor
for Christian Weltanschauung, Religious and Cultural Theory at the
University of Munich. Several publications about constitutional and
administrative history, state church politics, and the history of the
Christian political parties.
© 1995 Hans Maier
Produced by Schott Musik International, Mainz in cooperation with Orff-Zentrum Munich